‘. .. running parallel to the political, ethical, and moral contamination of the people, there had been for many years a no less terrible poisoning of the health of the national body . . . [through] syphilis ... ‘19 The principal cause of this was to be sought in the prostitution of love:
. . . The cause lies, primarily, in our prostitution of love. Even if its results were not this frightful plague, it would nonetheless be profoundly injurious to man, since the moral devastations which accompany this degeneracy suffice to destroy a people slowly but surely. This Jewification of our spiritual life and mammonization of our mating instinct will sooner or later destroy our entire offspring. . . .
[Mein Kampf, p. 247]
Hitler sums up his position as follows:
Blood sin and desecration of the race are the original sin in this world and the end of a humanity which surrenders to it.
[Mein Kampf, p. 249]
Thus, according to this view, racial interbreeding leads to blood interbreeding and in turn to the ‘blood poisoning of the national body’.
. . . The most visible results of this mass contamination [by syphilis] can be found ... in our - children. They in particular are the sad product of the irresistibly spreading contamination of our sexual life; the vices of the parents are revealed in the sicknesses of the children.
[Mein Kampf, p. 248]
In this connection, ‘vices of the parents’ can only refer to their interbreeding with racially alien blood, i.e., especially with Jewish blood, whereby the Jewish ‘world plague’ finds ingress into ‘pure’ Aryan blood. It is remarkable how closely this theory of blood poisoning is related to the political thesis of the poisoning of Teutonism by the ‘world Jew, Karl Marx’. The irrational fear of syphilis constitutes one of the major sources of National Socialism’s political views and it’s anti-Semitism. It follows, then, that racial purity, that is to say, purity of blood is something worth striving for and fighting for with every available means.
Hitler repeatedly stressed that one could not get at the masses with arguments, proofs and knowledge, but only with feelings and beliefs. In the language of National Socialism, in that of Keyserling, Driesch, Rosenberg, Stapel, etc., the nebulous and the mystical are so conspicuous that an analysis of this peculiarity will certainly prove profitable.
What was it in the mysticism of fascism that so fascinated the masses?
The answer is supplied by the analysis of the ‘proofs’ that Rosenberg (Mythus des 20. Jahrhunderts) offers in substantiation of the fascist race theory. Right at the outset Rosenberg writes:
The values of a race’s soul, i.e., those values which are the motor forces of the new conception of the world, have not yet become a part of living consciousness. Soul, however, means race seen from within. Conversely, race is the outer world of the soul.
[Mythus, p. 22]
Here we have an example of one of the many typical National Socialist phrases, which, on first impression, doesn’t seem to mean anything, indeed, seems intentionally to disguise its meaning, perhaps from the author himself. To understand the political-irrational impact of precisely such statements, one has to be familiar with and recognize the importance of the effect they have on the structure of the masses. Rosenberg goes on to say:
Hence, the history of race is the history of nature and soul mysticism at one and the same time; but the history of the religion of the blood is, conversely, the great world history of the rise and fall of peoples, of their heroes and thinkers, their inventors and artists.
The recognition of this fact leads to the realization that the ‘fight of the blood’ and the ‘intuitive mysticism of existential phenomena’ are not two separate things, but one and the same thing represented in different ways. ‘Fight of the blood’, ‘intuitive mysticism of existential phenomena’, ‘rise and fall of peoples’, ‘blood poisoning’, ‘Jewish world plague’, are all part and parcel of the same line, which begins with ‘fight of the blood’ and ends with the bloody terror against the ‘Jewish materialism’ of Marx and the genocide of the Jews.
The cause of freedom is not advanced by merely ridiculing this mysticism; it must be unmasked and reduced to its basic irrational content. The greater part of this mysticism and what is most important about it is a biological energy process, an extreme expression of reactionary sexual ideology, irrationally and mystically conceived. The creed of the ‘soul’ and its ‘purity’ is the creed of asexuality, of ‘sexual purity’. Basically, it is a symptom of the sexual repression and sexual shyness brought about by a patriarchal authoritarian society.
‘Coming to grips with blood and environment, with blood and blood, is for us the last attainable reality, behind which it is no longer granted us to search and to investigate,’ Rosen-berg states. He errs. We are immodest enough to want to investigate and not only to expose, without sentimentality, the living process ‘between blood and blood’, but also to demolish a pillar of the National Socialist creed.
We shall let Rosenberg himself prove that the core of the fascist race theory is a mortal fear of natural sexuality and of its orgasm function. Using the ancient Greeks as an example, Rosenberg seeks to prove the validity of the thesis that the rise and fall of peoples is to be traced back to racial interbreeding and ‘blood poisoning’. According to his theory the Greeks were originally the representatives of Nordic racial purity. The gods Zeus and Apollo and the goddess Athene were ‘symbols of the most devout piety’, guardians and protectors of ‘the noble and the joyous’, ‘keepers of order, teachers of the harmony of inner power and of artistic values’. Homer, he claims, had not the least interest in the ‘ecstatic’. Of Athene, he writes that she was:
. . . the symbol of life-consuming lightning, the wise and thoughtful virgin, sprung from the head of Zeus: protectress of the Hellenic people and faithful shield of its battles.
These very pious creations of the Greek soul are proof of the pure, untrammelled inner life of the Nordic people; in the highest sense of the word, they are religious confessions and expressions of confidence in their own species.
[Mytbus, p. 41 ff.]
These gods, which are said to symbolize purity, sublimity and religiosity, are then contrasted to the gods of the Near-Eastern peoples:
While the Greek gods were heroes of light and heaven, the gods of the non-Aryan Near Easterners are imbued with earthly characteristics.
Rosenberg contends that Demeter and Hermes were the organic offspring of these ‘souls of race’. Dionysus, the god of ecstasy, sensual pleasure, unbridled maenadism, constituted the ‘intrusion of the foreign race of the Etruscans and marked the beginning of the decline of Hellenism’.
In a far-fetched effort to support his thesis of the soul of a race, Rosenberg quite arbitrarily separates the gods into two categories: those that represent the ‘positive’ process of Hellenistic cultural development, he labels Greek; while the others, which also originated in Hellenism, are described as foreign gods. Rosenberg asserts that historical research, which ‘racially falsifies’ and erroneously interprets Hellenism, is responsible for our misunderstanding of Greek history.
In awe and veneration, the great German romantic’s sense how ever darker veils enshroud the bright gods of heaven, and they plunge ever deeper into the instinctual, amorphous, demonic, sexual, ecstatic, chthonic, into a veneration of the mother [my italics, WR]. And all of this was still supposed to be characteristic of the Greeks.
[Mytbus, p. 43]
All forms of idealistic philosophy fail to investigate the conditions under which the ‘ecstatic’ and ‘instinctual’ come into existence in certain cultural epochs; instead they get entangled in the abstract evaluation of these phenomena from the point of view of that cultural outlook that, elevating itself so far above the ‘earthly’ (natural), comes to naught as a result of that very elevation.
We, too, arrive at an evaluation of such phenomena, but it is an evaluation based on the conditions of a social process that appear as the symptoms of ‘decline’ of a civilization. In this way we are able to recognize the forces that impel forward and those that retard, and to comprehend the phenomenon of decline as a historical event, and, last but not least, to seek out the seed of the new cultural form and to assist its germination. When Rosenberg - in view of the decline of twentieth-century authoritarian civilization - reminds us of the fate of the Greeks, he puts himself on the side of conservative historical tendencies, despite his protestations of a ‘revival’ of Teutonism.
If we can succeed in understanding the standpoint of political reaction, we shall have gained a significant insight into the attitude towards Cultural Revolution and its sex-economic core. For the reactionary cultural philosopher there are only two possibilities: resignation and scepticism, or the turning back of the wheel of history by ‘revolutionary’ means. But if one has shifted the focal point of one’s cultural outlook, has recognized in the collapse of an ancient civilization, not the fall of civilization altogether but merely the fall of a certain civilization, namely the authoritarian, then a natural shifting also takes place in one’s assessment of those cultural elements previously appraised as positive or negative.
One realizes that the old form is ‘labouring with’ the new form of civilization, one based on genuine freedom. It is mainly a question of understanding the attitude that the revolution takes towards those phenomena regarded as symptoms of decline by political reaction. It is indicative, for example, that the latter declares itself in favour of the patriarchal theory in ethnology, whereas the former declares itself in favour of the matriarchal theory. Apart from the objective historical factors, there are interests at work in these two contrary sociological currents, interests that correspond to the previously unknown processes of sex-economy. Matriarchy, which is a historically demonstrated system, is not only in accord with the organization of natural work-democracy, but also with the society organized on a natural, sex-economic basis. Patriarchy, on the other hand, not only has an authoritarian economy, its sex-economic organization is catastrophic.
Long after the Church lost its hold on scientific research, it continued to promulgate the metaphysical doctrine of ‘man’s moral nature’, and of his monogamous disposition, etc. It was for this reason that Bachofen’s findings threatened to make hay of tradition. The amazing thing about matriarchy is not so much its wholly different consanguinity, but the natural self-regulation of sexuality that it entails. The social means of production are not privately owned in a matriarchy, as Morgan and Engels recognized. As a fascist ideologist, Rosenberg had no other choice than to deny the descent of ancient Greek culture from matriarchal beginnings (a proven fact) and to seize upon the hypothesis that ‘in this phase [the Dionysian] the Greeks assumed characteristics which were both physically and spiritually alien to their culture.’
In contrast to Christian ideology (as we shall see later), fascist ideology separates man’s orgastic yearning from the human structure produced under authoritarian patriarchy and relates it to various races: Nordic is equated to bright, majestic, heavenly, asexual, pure, whereas ‘Near Eastern’ is equated to instinctual, demonic, sexual, ecstatic, orgastic. This explains why Bachofen’s ‘intuitive and romantic’ investigations were rejected as the theory of that which only ‘appears to be’ ancient Greek life. In the fascist race theory the orgasm anxiety of the man subjugated to authority appears in an absolute form, eternalized as the ‘pure’ and contrasted with the animal-like and orgastic. Thus, ‘what is Greek’ and ‘what is racial’ become an emanation of ‘what is pure’, what is ‘asexual’; while ‘what is racially alien’, ‘the Etruscan’, is related to ‘what is animal’ and therefore ‘inferior’. In keeping with this line of reasoning, patriarchy is taken as the source of the human history of the Aryans:
The first great historically decisive battle between racial values was carried out on Greek soil, a battle decided in favour of the Nordic nature. From this point on man approaches life from daylight, from life itself: everything which we call Greek culture and our great heritage from antiquity, originated from the law of light and of heaven, from the spirit and nature of the father.
[Rosenberg]
The patriarchal authoritarian sexual order that resulted from the revolutionary processes of latter-day matriarchy (economic independence of the chief’s family from the maternal gens, a growing exchange of goods between the tribes, development of the means of production, etc.) becomes the primary basis of authoritarian ideology by depriving the women, children and adolescents of their sexual freedom, making a commodity of sex and placing sexual interests in the service of economic subjugation.
From now on, sexuality is indeed distorted; it becomes diabolical and demonic and has to be curbed. In terms of patriarchal demands, the innocent sensuousness of matriarchy appears as the lascivious unchaining of dark powers. The Dionysian becomes ‘sinful yearning’, which patriarchal culture can conceive of only as something chaotic and’ dirty’. Surrounded by and imbued with human sexual structures that have become distorted and lascivious, patriarchal man is shackled for the first time in an ideology in which sexual and dirty, sexual and vulgar or demonic, become inseparable associations.
Secondarily, however, this evaluation also has a rational justification.
With the imposition of chastity, women become unchaste under the pressure of their sexual demands; the sexual brutality on the part of the male, and the corresponding conception on the part of the female that for her the sexual act is something disgraceful, takes the place of natural orgastic sensuousness. Extramarital sexual intercourse, to be sure, is not done away with anywhere. With the shifting of the valuation and the abolition of the institutions that previously protected and sanctioned it in a matriarchal society, it becomes involved in a conflict with official morality and is forced to lead a clandestine existence. The change in the social attitude towards sexual intercourse also effects a change in the inner experience of sexuality.
The conflict that is now created between the natural and ‘sublime morality’ disturbs the individual’s ability to gratify his needs. The feeling of guilt now associated with sexuality cleaves the natural, orgastic course of sexual coalescence and produces a damming up of sexual energy, which later breaks out in various ways. Neuroses, sexual aberrations and antisocial sexuality become permanent social phenomena. Childhood and adolescent sexuality, which were given a positive value in the original matriarchal work-democracy, fall prey to systematic suppression, which differs only in form.
As time goes on, this sexuality, which is so distorted, disturbed, brutalized and prostituted, advocates the very ideology to which it owes its origin. Those who negate sexuality can now justifiably point to it as something brutal and dirty. That this dirty sexuality is not natural sexuality but merely patriarchal sexuality is simply overlooked. And the sexology of latter-day capitalistic patriarchy is no less affected by this evaluation than the vulgar views. This condemns it to complete sterility.
Later we shall see how religious mysticism becomes the organized centre of these evaluations and ideologies. For the present we must merely bear in mind that religious mysticism denies the sex-economic principle altogether and condemns sexuality as a sinful phenomenon of humanity, from which only the Hereafter can deliver us. Nationalistic fascism, on the other hand, transfers sexual sensuality to the ‘alien race’, which is relegated to an inferior status in this way. From now on, the depreciation of the ‘alien race’ coincides organically with latter-day patriarchal imperialism.
In Christian mythology, God never appears without his counterpart the Devil, as the ‘God of the Underworld’, and the victory of the divine God over the infernal God becomes the symbol of human elevation. This confrontation is also depicted in Greek mythology by the struggle between orgastic biosexuality and strivings that demand chastity. To the abstract moralist and to the mystifying philosopher, this confrontation appears as the wrestling of two essences or ‘human ideas’, one of which is regarded as vulgar from the outset, while the other is looked upon as the ‘truly human’ or ‘superhuman’.
However, if this ‘struggle of essences’ as well as the valuations attached to them are traced to their material fountainhead, if they are arranged in their proper place in the sociological fabric and sexuality is given its due as a historical factor, we arrive at the following facts: every tribe that developed from a matriarchal to a patriarchal organization had to change the sexual structure of its members to produce a sexuality in keeping with its new form of life. This was a necessary change because the shifting of power and of wealth from the democratic gens to the authoritarian family of the chief was mainly implemented with the help of the suppression of the sexual strivings of the people. It was in this way that sexual suppression became an essential factor in the division of society into classes.
Marriage, and the lawful dowry it entailed, became the axis of the transformation of the one organization into the other. In view of the fact that the marriage tribute of the wife’s gens to the man’s family strengthened the male’s, especially the chief’s, position of power, the male members of the higher ranking gens and families developed a keen interest in making the nuptial ties permanent. At this stage, in other words, only the man had an interest in marriage.
In this way natural work-democracy’s simple alliance, which could be easily dissolved at any time, was transformed into the permanent and monogamous marital relationship of patriarchy. The permanent monogamous marriage became the basic institution of patriarchal society - which it still is today. To safeguard these marriages, however, it was necessary to impose greater and greater restrictions upon and to depreciate natural genital strivings. This applied not only to the ‘lower’ class, which was subjected to greater and greater exploitation.
It was precisely those classes that until then had not known any cleavage between morality and sexuality that were now forced to experience this ever deepening conflict. But let it not be assumed that this compulsive morality had an external effect only; its full force is not felt until it has become internalized, until it has become a sexual inhibition anchored in the structure. Different aspects of the conflict will predominate during different stages of this process. In the initial stages, it is sexual need that wins the upper hand; later it is the compulsive moral inhibition that prevails.
When the entire social organization is plunged into a state of political upheaval, the conflict between sexuality and compulsive morality will of necessity reach an acute peak. Some will view this state of affairs as moral degeneration, while others will see it as a ‘sexual revolution’. In any event, it is the breakthrough of natural sexuality that is looked upon as ‘cultural degeneration’. This breakthrough is felt to be ‘degeneration’ only because it constitutes a threat to compulsive morality. Viewed objectively, it is only the system of sexual dictatorship that breaks down, a system devised to preserve compulsive moralistic values in the individual in the interest of authoritarian marriage and family.
Among the ancient Greeks, whose written history does not begin until patriarchy had reached a state of full development, we find the following sexual organization: male supremacy, hetaerae for the upper classes and prostitution for the middle and lower classes; and along with this the wives leading an enslaved and wretched existence and figuring solely as birth machines. The male supremacy of the Platonic era is entirely homosexual.
The sex-economic contradictions of latter-day Greece appeared at a time when the affairs of the Greek state were politically and economically on the downgrade. To the fascist Rosenberg, the ‘chthonian’ becomes intermixed with the ‘apollonian’ in the Dionysian era, and they perish together. The phallus, Rosenberg writes, becomes the symbol of the latter-day Greek conception of the world. For the fascists, therefore, the return of natural sexuality is viewed as a sign of decadence, lasciviousness, lechery and sexual filth. This, however, is not merely fascist fantasy; it corresponds to the actual situation created by the burning contradiction in the mode of experience of the people of such an epoch.
The ‘Dionysian feasts’ correspond to the masquerades and costume balls of our reactionary classes. However, one must know exactly what occurs at such feasts not to fall prey to the common deception of seeing in this ‘Dionysian’ happening the epitome of sexual experience. Nowhere are the indissoluble contradictions between dissolute sexual yearnings and a capacity for experience debilitated by morality more glaringly exposed than at such feasts. ‘Dionysos’ law of limitless sexual gratification means uninhibited racial interbreeding between Greeks and Asiatics of all tribes and varieties [Mythus, p. 52].’ Just imagine a historian of the year 4000 representing the sexual feasts of the twentieth century as the uninhibited interbreeding of the Germans with the blacks and the Jews ‘of all tribes and varieties’!
In this we clearly recognize the meaning of the idea of racial interbreeding. It is a defence against the Dionysian, a defence rooted in patriarchal society’s economic interest in marriage. Hence, even in the story of Jason, compulsive marriage figures as the bulwark against hetaerism.
‘Hetaerae’ are women who refuse to submit to the yoke of compulsive marriage and insist on their right to determine their own sex life. However, this demand gets involved in a conflict with early childhood education, which incapacitates the organism’s capacity for sexual experience.
Hence, the hetaera plunges herself into one adventure after the other to escape her homosexuality, or she lives a disturbed and disintegrated existence in both directions at once. Hetaerism is supplemented by male homosexuality. Owing to their compulsive marital life, the men flee to the hetaerae and voluptuaries in an effort to restore their capacity for sexual experience. Understandably, the sexual structure of the fascists, who affirm the most severe form of patriarchy and actually reactivate the sexual life of the Platonic era in their familial mode of living - i.e., ‘purity’ in ideology, disintegration and pathology in actual practice — must bear a resemblance to the sexual conditions of the Platonic era.
Rosenberg and Bliiher recognize the state solely as a male state organized on a homosexual basis. It is very curious to see how the view of the worthlessness of democracy emerges from this ideology. Pythagoras is rejected because he came out as the prophet of the equality of all people, as the ‘herald of democratic Tel-lurism, of the community of goods and females’.
This idea of the inner association of the ‘community of goods and females plays a central role in the antirevolutionary fight. The democratization of Roman patrician rule, which provided three hundred senators from three hundred aristocratic families until the fifth century, is traced back to the fact that intermarriages between patricians and plebeians were permitted from the fifth century on, and that this led to a ‘racial deterioration’.
Thus, even the democratization of a political system brought about through intermarriages is interpreted as a sign of racial decline. It is here that the reactionary character of the race theory is thoroughly exposed, for now sexual intercourse between Greeks and Romans belonging to different classes is looked upon as ruinous racial interbreeding. Members of the suppressed class are equated with those who are racially alien. At another point Rosenberg speaks of the workers’ movement as the ‘ascending of the asphalt-humanity of the big cities with all the refuse of Asianism [Mythus, p. 66]’.
Thus, behind the idea of the interbreeding with alien races lies the idea of sexual intercourse with members of the suppressed class. And operating at an even deeper level is the tendency of political reaction to draw lines of demarcation, which are rigid from an economic viewpoint, but are completely nonexistent from a sexual-moralistic viewpoint owing to the sexual restrictions imposed upon middle-class women. At the same time, however, sexual interbreeding between classes means an undermining of class rule; it creates the possibility of ‘democratization’, that is to say, the possibility of the proletarianization of the ‘aristocratic’ youth. For the lower social strata of every social order develop sexual conceptions and habits that constitute a serious threat to the rulers of every authoritarian order.
If, in the final analysis, it is the idea of the interbreeding of members of the ruling class with members of the ruled class that lies at the root of the idea of racial interbreeding, then we obviously have here the key to the question as to the role played by sexual suppression in class society. In this connection we can differentiate several functions. We know, for instance, that material suppression relates solely to the lower classes; but on no account can we assume that the same holds true for sexual suppression. The relations of sexual suppression to class society are much more complicated. At this time we want to single out only two of these functions:
Since sexual suppression has its origin in the economic interest of marriage and the law of inheritance, it begins within the ruling class itself. At first the morality of chastity applies most rigidly to the female members of the ruling class. This is intended to safeguard those possessions that were acquired through the exploitation of the lower classes.
In early capitalism and in the large feudal societies of Asia the ruling class is not yet interested in a sexual suppression of the enslaved classes. It is when the materially suppressed classes begin to organize themselves, begin to fight for socio-political improvements and to raise the cultural level of the broad masses, that sexual-moralistic inhibitions set in. Only then does the ruling caste begin to show an interest in the ‘morality’ of the suppressed classes. Thus, parallel to the rise of the organized working class, a contrary process sets in, namely the ideological assimilation to the ruling class.
Their own sexual habits are not relinquished in this process, however; they continue to exist alongside the moralistic ideologies, which, from now on, become more and more entrenched. This results in the previously described contradiction in the human structure between reactionary and freedom-aspiring tendencies. Historically, the development of this contradiction in the structure of the masses coincides with the loosening of feudal absolutism through bourgeois democracy.
To be sure, exploitation has merely undergone a change in form; but this change entails a change in the character structure of the masses. These are the facts to which Rosenberg gives a mystical interpretation when he writes that the primordial god of the earth, Poseidon, repelled by Athene the goddess of asexuality, rules in the form of a serpent in the ground beneath her temple, in the same way as the ‘Pelasgic python dragon’ rules beneath the temple of Apollo in Delphi. ‘But the Nordic Theseus did not kill the Asiatic brutes everywhere; as soon as Aryan blood begins to slumber, the foreign monster springs up again and again - that Asiatic mongrelism and physical robustness of Eastern man.’
It is clear what is meant by ‘physical robustness’. It is that remnant of sexual spontaneity that distinguishes the members of the suppressed classes from the ruling class, that same spontaneity, namely, that is gradually blunted in the course of ‘ democratization’ but is never completely lost. Psychologically, the serpent Poseidon and the Python dragon represent genital sensuality symbolized as the phallus. Genital sensuality has been suppressed, has become subterranean in both society’s and man’s structure, but it is still alive.
The feudal upper class, which has a direct interest in the renunciation of natural sexuality (cf. Japan), feels itself threatened by the more elemental sexual habits of the suppressed classes, all the more so because it itself has not only not mastered its own sensuality, but sees it, on the contrary, reappearing in its own class in a distorted and perverse form. Thus, the sexual customs of the masses constitute not only a psychological but also a social danger to the ruling class; above all, the latter senses a threat to its institution of the family.
As long as the ruling castes are economically strong and in the ascendancy, it is not difficult for them to maintain a total sexual-moralistic separation from the masses. An example of this was the English bourgeoisie around the middle of the nineteenth century. In periods when their rulership is shaken, and particularly when there is an outright crisis (as has existed, for example in Central Europe and England since the beginning of the twentieth century), the moral restrictions imposed on sexuality are loosened within the ruling class itself.
The disintegration of sexual moralism begins with the liquidation of family ties. At first the middle and lower middle classes, in complete identification with the upper class and its morals, become the real champions of the official, strongly defended anti-sexual morality. It is precisely when the economy of the lower middle classes shows signs of breaking down that natural sexuality must appear as a particular threat to the continued existence of sexual institutions.
Since the lower middle class is the mainstay of the authoritarian order, the latter attaches special importance to its ‘morality’ and to its ‘remaining uncontaminated’ by the ‘influence of inferior races’. If the lower middle class would lose its moralistic attitude towards sex to the same extent that it loses its intermediate economic position between the industrial worker and the upper class, this would constitute a very grave threat to any dictator.
For the ‘python dragon’ is also lurking among the lower middle class, ever ready to shatter its shackles and, consequently, its reactionary tendencies. It is for this reason that, in times of crisis, a dictatorial power always steps up its propaganda for’ morality’ and the’ strengthening of the bonds of marriage and the family’.
For it is the authoritarian family that constitutes the bridge from the wretched social situation of the lower middle class to reactionary ideology. If the compulsive family is undermined by economic crises, proletarianization of the middle class and wars, then the authoritarian system, which is so firmly entrenched in the structure of the masses, is also seriously threatened. We shall have to enter into this question more thoroughly. Thus, we have to agree with Leng, the National Socialist biologist and race theorist from Munich, who asserted that the authoritarian family was the core of cultural politics. He made this statement at a meeting of the National Socialist society’ Deutscher Staat’ in 193 2. We can add that it is the core of reactionary as well as of revolutionary cultural politics, for these observations have far-reaching social consequences.
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